In 1947, Pakistan was created with conspicuous structural limitations, both external and internal, which resulted in an overwhelming over-growth of military at the cost of civilian institutions. After the assassination of the country’s first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, a squabbling for political benefits started between the Governor General and the constituent assembly. Constitution making was delayed for nine long years and power to run the state was rested in a strong executive backed by an omnipotent civil and military bureaucracy, and aided by a subservient judiciary. The executive not only subdued the judiciary but it marginalised people-oriented political class while empowering the landed elites. In 1958, the civilian bureaucracy was overpowered by the military establishment and since then, it has been an important power broker in the country with an excessive and undesired interference in political processes.

The establishment’s continued interference in political processes turned the necessary yet incipient political institutions, especially the political parties, into an object of ridicule. Through establishing an unholy alliance with the powers that be, political leadership across the spectrum, and particularly the landed elites, supported unconstitutional sources of power for self-interests. Even then, the establishment has not been able to tolerate the prospect of a mass-mandated and democratically elected government in the centre.  All elected leadership from 1988 to 2008 was dismissed by way of direct and indirect use of power by the military. 

The 1990s politics taught many bitter lessons to the two mainstream political parties of the country, Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) which by then were enjoying considerable support among the public. At the same time, their ascendency to power during that period was, one way or the other, a result of compromise and bargain with the establishment.  After being sidelined following the 1999 takeover of the military, the two parties decided to fight for their space in decision making, and also to strengthen the democratic process by supporting one another. This resulted in the signing of the Charter of Democracy on 14 May 2006. 

Despite the political chaos of 2007-08 leading to the killing of the former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and the ouster of the military President General Perez Musharraf, there were signs of democratic stability. For the first time in Pakistan’s history, the parliament completed its two terms, first commencing in 2008 led by the PPP, and the second in 2013 led by PML-N.  Paradoxes existed and resulted in the removal of prime ministers. Yet, several constitutional developments were seen to strengthen democracy and decentralisation of power. The most notable is the eighteenth amendment to the Constitution in 2010. This distressed the establishment and they decided to support what has been described as “the third option” in popular narrative, to sustain their supremacy. It is in this context that Imran Khan was brought to the power. 

However, it proved a fatal failure. Not only PTI’s government failed to deliver on governance and launch an economic recovery plan, it in fact entered into a confrontation with the establishment. Disagreements between the PTI government and the military establishment came out first on the appointment of the country’s intelligence agency’s chief, and later the Chief of Army Staff.  Bargains thus began to oust the Imran Khan government and became a success in April 2022. Ironically, the PPP and PML (N) again became partner to the military establishments in this whole process.